Tag Archives: United States of America

Domestic Regimes in a Renewed America

This is the next step in my ever longer series of posts on the subject of laws and institutions related to reconstitutionlization and renewal of the United States of America. I have already taken some time to discuss some aspects of this subject within my other posts. That is because it is a really essential part of the larger subject. In this post I will not exhaust the subject either. I will only bring it a bit more fully into focus. I will only make it the center of what is inevitably a very short note to deal with such a topic. There will be Direct The Imperial Government Civil Code which shall govern much of the life and legal operation within Direct Imperial Government Lands. There will be a title within this Civil Code called Variances which will discuss the ways in which the various Districts such as The District of Columbia, Compact Districts of Compact Zones, Royal Fiat Bands and Fiefdoms can modify this Code as well as fill in its gaps and how and to what degree they can interpose their own authority between this Code and their Constituents. This Code will not be binding on any of the Constitutional Jurisdictions nor on the Federal Jurisdictions such as military bases of the United States military. However, where there is ambiguity or silence the courts and other governments will use this Code as an understanding of the law within the Empire on all subjects. There will be no Title in this Code more vital and more honored than Domestic Regimes.   

This Domestic Regimes title will describe the full policies and some of the reasons or connections between the policies as they are embodied into the making of law and the enforcement of that law. The title will also state again that a Jurisdiction of a constitutional nature must be able to regulate and order its own Domestic Regimes.The title will also reference another title in the Imperial Government Civil Code, that title is  Persons which will define Men and Women as two principal classes of persons under the law. The Title will also state the connections and cross-references to other titles of significant if lesser importance to the topic of this area of law. This will be a rather long and intricate title but I am going to set out the basic outlines of the title as of right now with no basic sources in front of me and without asserting that none of it would change in the final analysis and the final version of the text. But here it is:

Title:  Domestic Regimes


The Imperial Government Civil Code

I. Definition, Legal History Political Science and Philosophy

Defining this Title

A. Definition

1.Domestic Regimes as the Basic Units of Society

2. Marriage and Nuclear Families with Legitimate Filiation;  The Preeminent Institution

a. Creation

b.Maintenance and Effects

c. Dissolution

d. Special Cases and Problems

3. All Other Domestic Regimes and their Limits

B. Legal History, Political Science and Philosophy

1. This Title


3. The Other Constitutional Jurisdictions

4. Federal Jurisdictions in the United States

5. Federalism and Mixed Sovereignty Concerns 

II.  Marriage

A. A Union Between a Man and A Woman Effected by Themselves

1. Impediments

a. Incapacity

b. Mistake

c. Estoppel

2. Betrothal and Weddings

a. Contract

b. Honor and Affection


a. Consummation

b.Marital Rights

c. Community and Personal Property Effects

i. The General Rule

ii. Variances, Rights to Modify and Special Cases

d. The Husband as The Head of Household

i.Rights, Prerogatives and Limits

ii.Special Cases

e. State and Social Interests Preserving the Autonomy, Dignity and Autonomy of Wives.

i.The Rights and Roles of Family Associations

ii.The Empress’s Bureau of Women’s Affairs

iii. The Individual Exercise of Civil Rights

iv. Rules Relating to Divorce

4. Filiation and the Rights, Status and Expectation of Children

a. Care and Education of Minor Children

b. Inheritance

i. The Three Parts of the Spouses Estate as Passed to Children

* The Forced Portion

** The Free Portion

***The Offset Portion

ii. Spousal Inheritances and Special Expectations of  Children

iii. Filial Rights Regarding Spousal Usufruct and Life Tenancies.

iv. Titles, Patents and Distinctions. 

 III. The Domestic Veil and Expectation of Privacy

A. The Preeminence of Legitimate Nuclear Families

B. Recognized Marital Regimes with Defects

C. Divorce and Remarriage and Subsidiary Issues

D. Issues of those Seeking or Claiming Full Polygamy

E. Special Regimes Of  Filiation and Connection with Other Regimes

1. Adoption

a. Capacity



2. Medicaly Assissted Parental Complexities

F. Rights of Other Domestic Regimes

1. The Mistress of Ceremonies’ Office of Alliances, Liaisons and Placements

a. Contracts


2. The Imperial House and its Imperial Chaplaincy’s Office of Religious Communities

a. Roman Catholic Monasteries, Convents and Other Regimes Associated with the Chaplain

b. Roman Catholic Regimes Not Associated with the Chaplain.

c. Other Christian Monks and Nuns

d. Non Christian Monks and Nuns

3. Parent-Child Relations as Regimes Created by Nature and Law Directly

a. Maternal Duties, Rights and Expectations

b.Fathering Bastards  and the Least Associated Ilegitimate Children    

4. The Fiefdoms 

5. Bonded and Covenanted Master Servant Relationships Permitted under these Laws

IV. Deviance From Policy Ideals

A. Veiled Deviance

1. Requirements to Penetrate the Veil

2.Mitigation of  Illegalities and Improprieties Behind the Veil

a. Special Rules for Partial Compliance Behind the Veil

b. Privacy  and Enforcement of Laws against Veiled Offenses

3. Legal Paternity of Children not biologically fathered by the Husband in a legitimate Marriage

a. General Rule and its Operation

b. Exceptions and Special Cases

4. Active Homosexuality and its Various Legal Effects in Domestic  Regimes

5. Prostitution

6. Adultery

7. Domestic Violence

8. Incest

B. Unveiled Deviance

1. Criminal Sexual Behavior and Domestic Regimes.

2. Licensed Morally Flawed Behavior and Domestic Regimes.

V.  Mixing And Social Status

A. Mixed Marriage Issues

1. Race


3. Class and Rank

4. Jurisdictions

B. Mixing in Alliances, Liaisons and Placements

C. Master-Servant Mixing

D.Rights of Rolls of Kindreds as Regards Mixing

E. Rights of Family Associations

F. The Rights and Status of the Emperor

G. The Rights and Status of the Empress

H.The Rights and Status of  All and Varied Nobles And Royals

VI. Domestic Discrimination in Commerce and Contract

A. Housing

B. Schools

C. Public Spaces

D. Common Carriers

E. Employment

F. All Other Matters

VII. Imperial and Royal House


 Of course what would be said in each of these sections is quite vital but already one can see that it is a very great distance from our current sate of affairs.  However, this would not replace the law within the Constitutional Jurisdictions. However,  it would replace the law both in the District of Columbia and in those lands that would be governed by the Direct Imperial Government. Should the system proposed come into being such a title would doubtless have some influence everywhere. However, there would be parts of it which could not be reproduced in the States or elsewhere and that would tend to limit its other provisions being adopted out of context.

Delving Into the Deep Unknown: Specific Institutions of a Renewed America

The United States has abolished legislative election of Senators and made them almost the same as House members in Congress. It has said (which actually makes some sense) that States cannot have one house with population based districts and one with land based districts. It has not elected a General as President since Eisenhower. That is after Washington, Jackson “Hero of New Orleans”,”Rough and Ready” Taylor, Harrison “Old Tippecanoe”, Johnson, U.S. Grant, Pierce,   Hayes, Garfield, Benjamin Harrison and Arthur before Eisenhower. All the evidence is that we are slipping completely away from the direction of an Empire despite books about Nixon and the Imperial Presidency. However, I am going to keep spelling out the steps and elements which might make this society the American Empire many of our founders thought we might eventually become. This is not the end of dealing with this subject but it is another step in the discussion. Controlling cost will be different than it is under our regimes now. I did not write  this earlier in the last post but those organizations chartered permanently into each compact would have to commit one mil of their gross gross revenues to the Compact Treasury. Although they will possibly receive more than that in operating fees in many cases it is just another part of the independent funding culture which will certainly be different whether  one admits it is better or not. 

If one had to bet one way or another then the way to bet as pure oddsmaking would be against the model that keeps growing more elaborate in this blog. Yet it is the kind of thing that must be made more elaborate unless the process is interrupted.  The path I am marking out for us is very different from the paths that lie within the parameters others may have set up as the outer limits and range of acceptable and reasonable paths to take. I am seeking to describe the correct path and the path supported by right but also am trying to avoid the many paths to which extreme desperation and  or rage can lead.  This is a path of constitutionalism and law in many ways more so than our current order or other orders. But it is motivated by a desperate set of circumstances. It is time to discuss the problems we will face in creating this specific regime.

Let us follow out the device of filling out the Major Compacts. Let us start with the Compact Assemblies which will be the lower chambers of the Compact Legislatures. Fifty percent of the Seats in these Assemblies will be filled from the Compact Roll of Kindreds.  From five to fifteen percent will be filled from the internal election of Compact Charter Organizations. That will leave between forty-five and thirty-five percent of the seats unfilled. Half the remainder of the seats in each Compact will be filled by the legislatures of each Constitutional Jurisdiction. In discussing this there will be a rule that every major Compact must either consist of all three types of Constitutional Jurisdictions (State, Territories and Possessions) or else only one kind.  No Compact may unite two kinds and exclude a third. The seats shall  be allotted so that where all are members the States have 3c seats, Territories 2c and Possessions 1c ( or c) seats.  This will occupy between twenty-two and a half and seventeen and a half percent of all seats in the Assemblies. Each Jurisdiction will set any term it wishes between on and eight years for its delegates.

So far the Compacts have shown how they will act to make the American system more authentic, real and representative. They have not added much to unity as a whole except that every jurisdiction will belong to more than one Compact which creates a kind of social and cultural cross-bracing.  The appointment of the Special Vice Presidents by the Emperor would be  the other uniting factor and that the Compact Zones are all united in the Direct Imperial Government Lands. The Remaining Seats, as they shall be called, in the Assemblies shall be another uniting factor and part of the stuff which will make the Empire itself. These shall belong to the Imperial and Royal House in the following way. First, every one who is a ranking member of the Imperial House who is clearly a member of the Compact and clearly a Noble  will be granted a seat in the Council of Nobles by preference where the rules and vacancies allow. Those who are high Nobles and not seated in the Council of Nobles shall not be properly seated in the Assembly but shall have the privilege of seating a personal representative for a two-year term when a seat becomes available and this person shall serve through even if they lose their position.  Next all those of high rank in the Imperial House who do not rank above the lowest rank of Baron in the protocol ranks properly or the equivalent in extraordinary nobility may be seated in the Assembly. The highest eligible rank may choose to appoint a delegate as above or serve themselves.  Then whatever seats are left shall be filled by that portion of the Direct Imperial Government known as the Grand Royal and Imperial House and Household Assembly.  This shall occur as follows:

1. Every time a First Executive Vice President is elected one or two kinds of electors from each jurisdiction shall become eligible to serve in these seats from each jurisdiction. Any elector actually sent to the Electoral College or in a “winner take all” Jurisdiction the electors from the final winner’s slate if they received the second most votes and these were more than ten percent of all votes cast.

2. These seats shall be filled by  the GRIHHA one month after the inauguration of a new First Executive Vice President. The GRIHHA shall be free to fill available seats in any portion it wants without regard to any guidance or opinion of outside groups even if all came from one or a few jurisdictions (within the Compact) and a single party or were randomly chosen from a list. But a regular vote and Act of Election must be made by the GRIHHA to fill these seats.

The Grand Royal and Imperial House and Household Assembly will have four main  functions it will fill these seats and  secondly it will be a necessary party to consent to both Changes to the Supreme Charter of the Direct Imperial Government (which will be the nearest equivalent to a specific constitution of the Direct Imperial Government) and it will form a part of the Direct Imperial Government Legislature on votes relating to the Constitution of the United States and its Amendments. It will not  be part of the regular legislation of the Direct Imperial Legislature. Thirdly, it will be the body which reviews publicly and administers the Imperial Services Operating Treasury. Fourthly, it will hold the Privy Functions which shall be seven:

1. Impeachment and Indictment of Peer-Electors and High Ranking House Members.

2.Certifcation of Abdications and Related Protocols.

3.Certifcation of Betrothals of High Ranking Imperial House Members.

4. Certification of Ritual  Confrontations of  Ranking (above median) House Members.

5. Certification of Genealogies, Lines, Filiations, Placements and Alliances of Peer-Electors and High Ranking House Members. This Shall not include any role in the Full, Sacred And Legitimate High Marriage of any person under the power of this article although the effects here reviewed are under its review. 

6. Custody of Royal and Princely Prisoners of War.

7.Report on the Unity to the Bouletherion.

One cannot really have an Empire that is not really an Empire in any way .  Therefore there must be institutions which make up the Empire itself. We will return to this subject later on but it is enough to make that clear now.

Thinking a New Thing: A Competing American Narrative

I am proposing that America must change and the changes must be radical. In order to preserve itself America’s ship of state must steer abruptly and hard to an alternative direction. I am committed to this project myself and although I have very little left really have committed much of my own lingering resources to this project as well.  I have of course written quite a bit about which direction all of this ought to take in other blog postings.  These postings do come from a life experience and therefore have some rootedness and connection with some relevant political thought and action but they also represent, in many ways, a kind of exorcism of hope.  That of course is theologically a great sin. However, in the political realm I think that it is fairly innocent more often than not. As  Elton John sang (and still sings) “When all hope is gone, a sad song is saying so much…. When every little bit of hope is gone, a sad song is saying so much.” The truth is that there is often enough in history a point at which one must put forward a program or ideal regardless of whether there is any hope for the program to be realized. For those interested in Greek history the case of Demosthenes was one that loomed large in the thoughts of leaders of Western Civilization for many centuries. But the great orator Δημοσθένης  is hardly alone in proclaiming a cause or an agenda which he believes is unlikely to be adopted. Within more recent times we also have another of these great failures Klemens Wenzel Nepomuk Lothar, Fürst von Metternich-Winneburg z u Beilstein. This Austrian Prince is usually referred to simply as Metternich in the brief writings of political historians writing in English. Like Demosthenes and others he stands before the destruction of the thing he loved — that great Empire which (despite reams of officially titled documents of great importance) never really achieved a single well received name. I mean the Austrian Empire, the Later Holy Roman Empire, The Hapsburg’s Eastern Empire, the Hapsburg Empire, The Austro-Hungarian Empire, The Great Germano-Slavic Power, The Central Power of the White Peoples and half a dozen other names describing roughly the same rather impressive entity that could afford many niceties besides and without a clear and definite identity. Metternich ‘s great fault was failing to secure a more honest and prominent part for the democratic element in what he clearly thought should be in some sense a mixed government. But like most others in his position he was working within many tough and severe limitations. Positive, warm and optimistic as his writing can be it holds a secret. Rich, privileged and fulfilling as his biography seems to be it holds the same secret. The man is writing to us and all his audience from hell. He is smart enough to see that between the things his Sovereign cannot accept, those which people cannot accept in various duly constitutional communities and what his power’s enemies will not allow there is not a path to success or even survival for the civilization he wishes to save. For a man writing from the infernal interior addresses of genius he does a very good job.

In the United States of America we must do a lot of hard things quickly to save ourselves and transcend our crisis. We must bring together groups of people who have not been friendly in a common cause which recognizes the profound diversity of this society. Even stating that objective in a simple sentence is rather convoluted and difficult. I have written of the Thirteen Major Compacts and the Constitutional Jurisdictions and the Direct Imperial Government  I think we need to add to our maps, hearts and constitution but even if that is not the exact final arrangement something like it would be necessary to lead us to a secure path.

Let us revert to the model that I have set out for the sake of argument and to keep this specific and because it what I am advocating.  I have suggested that half the seats of the lower chamber of Compact Assembly of each legislature be reserved for those seated from the newly created Rolls of Kindreds. I also believe that another five to fifteen percent of each Lower Assembly (as well as possible variable offices in the Council of Nobles where appropriate) should be reserved for various organizations forever if they are willing to take their cultural capital as it exists now and invest it into the revolutionary change of bringing these things to be. So there would be seats in the lower assembly forever elected from within the ranks of certain groups and not open to outside votes or competition. But who would those groups be?

Well in The Louisiana Purchase Compact, The Confederate States of America Compact and the Spanish Borderlands Compact there would be seats for the same three organizations in differing quantities along with other groups. These three would be CODOFIL, Congres Mondial des Acadiens, and Action ‘Cadien    all would have more seats in the first of these three Compacts. Also in the Louisiana Purchase Compact would be the Organization of American Historians seated under its old title as the Mississippi Valley Hisotrical Association and others. In the Spanish Borderlands Compact would be La Raza, several Cowboy culture organizations and the Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences as well as the Order of Friars Minor.  In the Confederate States of America Compact  would be the Military Order of the Stars and Bars, The Sons of Confederate Veterans,  ( a single reformed and amalgamated and duly chartered incarnation of) th Ku Klux Klan,  The Southern Baptist Convention, a single organization of Southern Herittage for the Five Civilized tribes, the SEC and a polical office of  the Ursuline Nuns. In the Compact of the Possessions one would definitely have seats reserved for groups associated with the Black Panthers, Buffalo Soldiers,  and several black athletic associations. These are just a samll number of the Compacts and not all the groups in any compact. Just on skimming through these it does not seem likely that they would all be able to work together even a little bit until after the structure pressured them to do so.  Of course without working together the structure is unlikely to ever emerge. I realize all this quite well. But I believe America must become really American or else become extinct so I keep writing these little essays.  We will overcorrect a bit as all revolutions must from an absurdly simplified system to one too complicated in purist terms. But the change is not excessive. These groups will not have all the power even as a sum total. However, they will help our very complicated and diverse country to stay in touch with the difficult and demanding reality of who we are.

If the new American story emerges then we will have less boundless optimism and less promising to be first and best in everything. We will have more people reminding us of our costly and often tragic greatness who are not willing to throw it all away on the slight chance of some new reality we cannot even articulate. It will be difficult at first even if it happens. Europe will likely ridicule these Compacts with small powers and many seats and Asian powers will be uncomfortable with unexpected change in directions they had not plotted. The Americas will want to downplay the things they like from memory of past disappointments and play up the things they fear for political reasons.  So we would have to do all of these difficult and challenging things not to fit in better but because we were convinced that they were necessary for our survival and development.

Demosthenes and Metternich are high company but if one chooses very obscure references it is almost worth leaving them out.   So this sort of change is really what I think we need. I am not certain we will not get it but it seems unlikely.

After an American Revolution: The Royalist Portion of the Empire

This is a separate post from the four-part American Revolution post. It is also being written (at least in part, we shall see what happens)  the week of my brother Joseph Anthony Summers getting married to Brooke Lee Ortego.  I do have some things to discuss about the transition to royalism and the royalist aspect of the Empire and the changes that are necessary.  I choose to do this partly in terms of Twelve Principles and Precepts of the Transition to the Empire. This is all so very extremely distant from the run of American politics and yet it is quite the minimum in terms of understanding a transition from a republican to a royalist system. This is the kind of thing where the big break is to discuss the matter at all. Once one begins to discuss it there is no way to avoid saying many things that must seem ridiculous from the current vantage point. But the transformation would be a real transformation and so one must explain how it ought to work or else really had better not discuss it at all. I am also inconsistent in my use of person and tense here and I am not going to go with single style. This is in a sense incorrect but also suggestive of the context of this blog.

First Principle and Precept: The Emperor shall reign, shall be the Supreme Executive, Special and Extraordinary Commander in Chief and Judiciary of  Last Resort.  He is a minor and indirect player in the making of laws known as Legislation.

Second Principle and Precept: The Emperor shall preside over an a federal Empire which while it is more unitary and less federal than the true nature of the republic is as federal as the republic was often understood to be recently and his sovereignty is that of the federal and direct imperial power and not of the States or constitutional jurisdictions in which a portion of the system of dual sovereignty exists.

Third Principle and Precept: The Emperor shall by right occupy in fullness the Presidential and executive power during times when the First and Executive Vice President is disabled or unnamed but the powers of the Executive Branch as they have been vested in the Presidents of the Republic shall be ordinarily and customarily exercised by First and Executive Vice President  except where the written constitution of the Empire clearly transfers or reserves those rights to the Emperor or where lands, bureaucracies  houses and tribes clearly fall under the special power of the new Empire and were not part of the old Republican Presidency.

Fourth Principle and Precept: The processes of the Founding of the Empire shall in every way count as the Election of the Founding Emperor and the joining while the Constitution endures of the title of Basileus and Emperor. Basileus shall be the senior title and the Acadians shall provide no less than two-thirds majorities in all conclave elections under the Constitution. The Emperor shall also be at least King of the Compact of Louisiana and possibly of some of its Jurisdictions as well. This shall be a title equal in seniority to that of the Emperor and shall produce no less than half as many elector in the Conclave as the Empire itself produces. Further the Empire must accept that some of the Acadians  will not be citizen-subjects of the Empire. These Outside Acadians will number no more than one fifth nor less than one tenth of the Acadian section of the conclave unless the demographics or politics should obviously mean that the se persons had become citizen-subjects of the Empire.

Fifth Principle and Precept: With the exception of the National Parks and existing military bases the ordinary Federal government’s  land ownership shall be that which most yields to the transitions of creating the Empire. The Imperial House, The Peer-Elector Fiefdoms, The Gift Estate and the large transfers to the new Constitutional Jurisdictions will largely consume and exhaust other federal land ownership. Thus the First Executive Vice President will control fewer and less extensive lands as federal although new lands will enter the hands of the Emperor.  The Peer-Electors chosen and choosing will pay something for their lands and these funds will be divided into four equal parts. One part will go to a fund to pay down the national debt, one part will go to the Emperor’s  and Imperial House Trust, one part will go to a Custodial trust of the Fiefdom and Title of the Peer and one part will go the Imperial Combined Aristocratic Trust. The Forty-Nine Fiefdoms will be part of the Direct Imperial Government.

Sixth Principle and Precept: There shall be a handful of Institutions which shall be most especially the Preserve of the Royalist Imperial element of the government and society. A partial but substantial list that includes most of these elements would be:

1. The Imperial House itself.

2. The Office of Liaison to the Ethnos Arkadios.

3. The Empress’s Office of Women’s Affairs

4.The Empress’s Ministry of Protocol.

5. The Mistress of Ceremonies’  Office of Liaisons and Placements

6. The Mistress of Ceremony’s Office of  Ritual Confrontation

7.TThe Imperial Household

8. The Imperial House & Household Bank

9. The Emperor’s Office of Wastes and Ruins

10. The Imperial Office of  Human Habitat Expansion.

11. The Personal, Household and  Direct Imperial Military Institutions.

12. The Imperial Services Agency.

13. The Imperial Wellness Agency.

14. The Imperial Borders Administration.

Seventh Principle and Precept: The funding of the Royalist section shall not be subject in large part to the ordinary legislative process. The Operating Treasury of the approximate dozen major agencies of the Imperial Bureaucracy  would receive certain fixed funds by Constitutional prerogative:

1.  One  half of one percent of all revenues collected by the Federal government during each year would be given to this Operating Treasury.

2. A fourth of any and all taxes collected in the Direct Imperial Government lands would be evenly divided between the Imperial House Trust and the Operating Treasury prior to any other claims upon them.

3. All those passing through the entries to the United States in the Royal Fiat Zone would pay  a fee and all freight would pay an entry tariff to the Imperial Operating Treasury and the Imperial House Trust. A formula for these fees  would be set permanently  in the constitution.   The Emperor would have the right and prerogative to make use of the labor of apprehended illegal aliens and to maintain an office of Liaison with Canada and one with Mexico solely to operate this program in a state of transparency. The EMperor would have no obligation to arrest or detain anyone and  the US Border Patrol would operate on the interior line of the Fiat Zone as on an international border enforcing US laws of immigration. These aliens detained by the Emperor would be paid, fed and housed but paid less than other  American workers for Imperial projects especially in the border’s Royal Fiat Zone. There would be an escalating system of arrests. One week of labor on first arrest, six weeks on second arrest, twelve weeks on third arrest, one year on fourth arrest and five years followed by legal acceptance as permanent resident aliens on fifth arrest.  All aliens would be released with some portion of the profit they had earned when released, a portion equal to half the amount the alien received would go to the Transparency and Resettlement program of either Canada or Mexico or be held in trust until such date as they should agree to set up such an office and program. Labor would be forced but consistent with the health, capacities, skills, willingness and interests of the aliens.  The regular US border beyond this Royal Fiat  zone would operate on separate and parallel rules.   

3. The Emperor and Empress would each have an ex-officio Estate and Manor and the Peer-Electors would each have certain covenants to entertain and   support some aspect of the Household from their estates.  The legal principle regarding these operations should be “The King shall live on his own”.

4. The Imperial Operating Treasury shall receive one tenth of the revenues produced from all foreclosures in the United States but shall at the end of three years of earning conservative interest remit half of these funds to pay off the national debt. This shall be both a tax and a penalty on foreclosing institutions. The Imperial Operating Treasury shall also remit one tenth of these funds to the General Treasury of the Direct Imperial Government.

5. The Imperial Services shall include a Stock Market Assurance Agency. Every share of stock traded in the United States will be charged a one percent SMAA premium. A third of each premium will go into a General Recovery Fund.  Most of the rest will go into accounts attached to the names and credit of various players in a transaction according to rules set out. Each stock exchange in the United States will also pay one half of one mil of its gross gross volume of trade to the SMAA as an annual premium. When a company fall into nearly nill value its shareholders, employees and creditors will  be entered into an SMAA Company Holding Venture. The SMAA will evaluate which of a schedule of options is best from partial making whole of all, to a minimal settlement and dissolution of all interests and to a rehabilitation of the company. The Imperial operating Treasury will receive one percent of all revenues collected by the SMAA as an operating fee.

6. By a set of laws set out in the Constitution the Emperor shall have a right to profit from anything left to waste and ruin in the United States.

7. Every person voting in a national election would pay a nickel to the Emperor each time the voter exercised this right.

8. The Emperor shall have fees and excises associated with titles from which he may derive incomes.

Eighth Principle and Precept: The Imperial Commerce of Agency of the Imperial Services would be set up to pay taxes on activities of the Emperor and House in the free and private sectors of the economy. Both parties may engage in such activities and profit from them but when they do they can sue and be sued through this Agency.

Ninth Principle and Precept: The Emperor and the Imperial House (as well as each Peer-Elector and their House) shall have an official religion or a group of sponsored religions with which he will set the example of that mix of devotion, conflict, adherence and protest which typify these relationships. In the case of an Acadian Basileus the Roman Catholic Church is the Official Church and the Greek Orthodox Church is the most honored other church to which also an excommunicated  Basileus should first seek admittance for himself. However, the Emperor’s religion shall not be imposed upon the Citizen-Subjects of the Empire.

Tenth Principle and Precept:  Those in the Nobility and Aristocracy shall be subject to an Imperial Honor and Protocol Code   which shall govern their standing. In the founding papers it shall be described how the Imperial bureaucracy may discriminate in favor of Aristocrats and Nobles in Good Standing and how they may not so discriminate.  Anyone may buy a lowest rank , such as that of High Squire, for the purposes of attaining some small participation in these privileges. A fee shall be paid to the Ministry of Protocol and  another to the House, a Family Crest shall be certified, a plot of land subject to the new entail law be established, a family trust  and a family charity endowed and one can unless sued to prevent it on solid grounds buy such an elevation. The True Nobility starting at the equivalent of the British Rank of Baron may also be applied for and in a sense purchased but here the Ministry of Protocol must certify that there is some honor to be gained by the Institution and the Purchaser must already be a High Squire at least before applying. No rank above the baronial may be purchased directly under this scheme. Here a Knight’s Hold, a Coat of Arms, a family Shrine and a Personal and Family History would all be required of the purchaser as well as a very secure trust sufficient to provide a modest living at the time of its creation. These trusts will not be subject to seizure by creditors and therefore will require new working out of various laws.

Eleventh Principle and Precept: The House itself will be a domestic regime unto itself under Imperial LAw and with a fairly extensive set of written property and domestic laws. It shall not be subject to other domestic and property laws.

Twelfth Principle and Precept: The First and Executive Vice President would report to the Emperor regularly as prescribed by law and would pay him homage openly at the start of each four-year term or would not be able to hold office.

The Mental Ferment for Men (and Women) who Might Foment an American Revolution: Part Three

We really are facing a dangerous period of opportunity.  Could there be an American Revolution? If so how could it play out and what might its outcome be? I think that we have reached a point where more than few crises will slip out of control unless they are addressed in the relatively near future.  For me as an individual person the idea of seeking and pushing a particular form of constitutional transformation is well justified.  There is enough desperation in my circumstances and history to make me unquiet for a long period of time.

But Revolution is a strong prescription. There are varied levels of the dreaded opportunity our founding fathers called the “State of Nature”.  Remember they did not seek to overthrow the British government or dissolve their own colonies. They simply sought to exclude the British from the governance of the United States and to transform the quasi-state colonies into states. The Constitution they drafted allowed not only for amendments but also for a constitutional convention which would allow for the most low risk possible way to pass through a grave crisis. This would be sort of skirting along the borders of the dreaded state of nature. I think a serious and honest scholar of the period would have to conclude they would have hoped we would achieve many forms of political development we have avoided before undertaking many things we have undertaken. Now we reach the part of this essay which is the most risky and dangerous for the writer. In describing a proposed revolution one should be able to describe some set of relatively large and even shocking changes desired and possible under the new regime which are not possible under this regime. So, either in this section I will discuss what my ideal new America  would be like in terms of almost all its map and in terms of the Congress of the United States and the Electoral College.

I.  The Map and Congress: First Level of Revolutionary Change

However, I will get to those larger and more distinct looking changes much later than this sentence or paragraph.  I will start with those that most closely flow from my last comment. I will focus on the map and Congress. The new House of Representatives  should be made up of 800 seats and representatives exactly. The number of people in a district in a State would be constitutionally set at the variable A (apportionment number). The non states would have 53 seats not apportioned by population: The District of Columbia would have three such seats, a federation of all lands not in Constitutional Jurisdictions (which is what States, Territories and Possessions would be called together) would have two seats. The allotted State legislature representatives of all the Colored Districts in the States would hold an electoral conference every two years and select three of their own members to serve in the House of Representatives and have authority to expedite an election to fill their State legislative Seats. In addition each of the 14 Territories would have two seats serving the Territory as a whole regardless of population and its apportioned seats. Each  of the 17 Possessions would have one seat representing the Possession as a whole and its apportioned seats. Then all military bases of the United States militaries would be made into districts electing representatives. Military people would have two votes in this way– they would keep their home constitutional jurisdiction vote and gain additional representation in the Congress and Electoral College through their base-district votes. Each Territory district which is apportioned by population would serve 1.5 A people, each Possession district apportioned by population would serve   2 A people and each military jurisdiction.There would be 747 seats apportioned by the new council of Censors — as with the States now none ould include parts of more than one Constitutional Jurisdiction.

B. The United States Senate

After the Addition of the State of Puerto Rico there would be no new States added without a Constitutional amendment. There would also be the one additional Senator for each State elected by the State Legislature and serving a longer term.  That would bring the total number of US Senators to 153. These Senators would serve for all purposes of Law, Procedure, Equity and Normal Business. They would be the only ones allowed to vote when the Senate considered such matters. However, there would be a number of additional members  of high office and some elected by the Censors and Tribunes to serve in a Senatorial Constitutional  Assembly entitled to vote on the amendments to the Constitution. The current Congress of the United States numbers a bit under 550 and the new Congress would number a bit under 1000. This would be more in line with our revolutionary heritage. 

C. The New Constitutional Jurisdictions

The cost in lands would not fall on all States equally to create the new  Constitutional Jurisdictions and the Federal Government would be required to provide some lands of its own to the process.


1.The Territoryof the Federated Aboriginal American Nations of the North Eastern States

2.The Territoryof the Federated Aboriginal American Nations of the South Eastern States

3.The Territory of the Federated Aboriginal American Nations of the South Western States

4.The Territory of the Federated Aboriginal American Nations of the North Western States.

5.The Territory of the Kingdom of Hawaii

6.The Territory of American Samoa

7.The Territory of Guam

8.The Territory of the Aleut, Inuit and Eskimo Peoples of Alaska

9.The Territory of Creoles of Color of Louisiana

10.The Territory of the Creoles of Color of Puerto Rico

11.The Territoryof the Creoles of Color of the US Virgin Islands

12.The Federated Territory of the Mestizos of the Western Half of Spanish Borderlands

13.The Federated Territory of the Mestizos Eastern Half of the Spanish Borderlands

14. The Small Federal Territory of  token Micronesian, Filipino Other American Imperial Communities

Thus 28 not-by-population districts in the House.   


1.The Negro and African-American Possession in South Carolina

2.The Negro and African American Possession in Mississippi

3.The Negro and African American Possession in Florida

4.The Negro and African American Possession in Alabama

5.The Negro and African American Possession in Georgia

6.The Negro and African American Possession in Louisiana

7.The Negro and African American Possession in Texas

8.The Negro and African American Possession in Virginia

9.The Negro and African American Possession in Arkansas

10.The Negro and African American Possession in Tennessee

11.The Negro and African American Possession in North Carolina

12.The Negro and African American Possession in the US Virgin Islands

13.The Negro and African American Possession in Puerto Rico

14.The Negro and African American Possession of Federated Districts in Kentucky, Maryland and Oklahoma

15.The Negro and African American Possession of Federated Districts in the Union States of 1864

16.The Negro and African American Possession of Federated Districts of the Pacific States and Territories

17.The Negro and African American Possession of Federated States of the Greater South West

Thus 17 not-by-population districts in the House.

D. The Compact Zones

Each constitutional Jurisdiction shall yield a small zone of land to the direct governance of every compact it belongs to — no Compact Zone will be larger than four square miles and shall vary by the size of the Constitutional Jurisdiction.  There shall be major Compacts and minor compacts. Generally, the Major Compacts will receive larger zones.

The Major Compacts:

1.The Thirteen Colonies Compact

2.The Original Constitution Compact

3.The Compact of the Louisiana Purchase

4.The Compact of the Hartford Convention

5.The Compact of the Spanish Borderlands

6.The Compact of the Confederate States of America

7.The Compact of the Union States of the Civil War

8. The Compact of All Jurisdictions West of the Mississippi

9.The Compact of All Jurisdictions East of the Mississippi

10.The Compact of All States

11.The Compact of All Territories

12.The Compact of All Possessions 

Each Major Compact will receive a rebate of half of one percent of all federal taxes collected in every member jurisdiction as well as a half of one percent of all revenues raised by each jurisdiction. The Major Compacts shall also elect an elector for life who will sit and vote with other electors for the President and be seated in the Compact Council. The Compact Councils shall reserve most of the seats in their lower chamber for those elected from the Compact’s Roll of Kindreds. Every family association must belong to at least two Rolls of Kindreds and should contribute one percent of all its revenues to each Roll of Kindreds it belongs to up to four percent. After that if it elects to belong to more it shall simply divide four percent of its revenues equally among all Rolls. The Upper Chamber will be a Council of Nobles.  The Compacts will have the right to petition both the US Congress and their member legislatures. They shall each maintain a cavalry Honor Guard.

The Minor Compacts

The Minor Compacts will be institutions authorized and chartered by the United States Government to co-ordinate a basic set of long lasting concerns. Like the Major Compacts they will have independent constitutional funding but their governance will just be a set of uniquely chartered institutions not fully part of the federal grand plan for the society. I will not attempt to list them all but will give a few examples: the Compact of Louisiana, The Compact of Hawaii  and The Compact of Puerto Rico.

II. The Electoral College: Second Level of Revolutionary Change

A. The Election of the Chief Executive 

Every four years as today a person would be elected to many of the duties and roles of the current President of the United States. Each Jurisdiction would elect as many electors as it has members of its total Congressional caucus as today.   However, there would also be eighty-two Electors for life from the eighty-two Constitutional Jurisdictions and twelve  Electors for life from the Major Compacts.  These would be of less importance than ninety four new electors added to our five hundred because of the expansion of Congress and thus popularly chosen electors. The Electors for Life shall form a council with the only real direct oversight power over the Censors in drawing up the electoral districts. They shall meet to certify these districts on year before each Presidential Election. No one shall be declared President until the full electoral college shall have voted. Popular electors shall be bound as robots on the first vote but free to change their vote if there is no majority in the Electoral College on the First Ballot.

B. Other Elections

Should there be more than a single National Election ( today we have only the single Presidential and Vice Presidential ticket) then in these new elections the Electors for life would also participate as a primary organ of those elections.

In Part Four of this posting I will discuss the most radical outcomes of the proposed American Revolution. Outcomes more likely to be off-putting than any discussed so far in this essay.

The Mental Ferment for Men (and Women) who Might Foment an American Revolution: Part Two

The question that supersedes and eclipses all other questions in this kind of discussion is whether or not it is really possible that the United States of America will enter a period of constitutional transformation. That sort of change which falls into the largest definition of the word “revolution”. Then (and I admit that there may be revolution at all any time soon) one can come to the question of whether or not such a change will be occasioned by the relatively sane, patriotic and productive citizens of which the Tea party is one major grouping or whether change will come from forces which are more destructive, opportunistic and perhaps more largely foreign as well. Hunger and the threat of  large-scale killing of citizens by the government are the most common reasons history shows us for people to seek to change their government. It may be that we need change but is there much chance of making real change. I think there is a less than fifty percent chance. However, Americans have a sense of creeping tyranny and a desire to react to it that is real. This is also rooted in their history.  “Experience hath shewn, that even under the best forms of government those entrusted with power have, in time, and by slow operations, perverted it into tyranny.” Thomas Jefferson — even republican democracies in form can be tyrannical. That is both true and a truth which the Founders believed. Jefferson was the most democratic in philosophy of the first rank of Founding Fathers and he certainly had a distrust for democracy and did not ever use it as a synonym for good government as we often see being done today. 

In this four part posting I am exploring what an American Revolution might mean.  I am looking at what it could come out of and where it might bring us.  Here, in this post I focus more on our Revolutionary Heritage. By the fourth part I should be more focused on the Revolutionary future. 

Other founders such as Adams were much more openly critical of the whole espousing of Democracy as an ideal and they did not believe that they had intended to create a democracy nor that such had been the result of there efforts. Adams was on the committee which assisted Jefferson in writing the Declaration of Independence  and approved it before submitting it to Congress. Yet he did  not hesitate to declare. “Democracy… while it lasts is more bloody than either aristocracy or monarchy. Remember, democracy never lasts long. It soon wastes, exhausts, and murders itself. There is never a democracy that did not commit suicide.” John Adams There are many elements besides democracy which are supposed to be operating in our country’s governance and conventual. We are a country founded on getting these mechanics right under an accepted and specific constitution which provides the ground rules and lines of operation for the “game” which is government and indirectly culture and society.  There is no way that people can all be persuaded to understand the same questions as being priorities nor to come up with an understanding that the same answers are always right and especially not right for all.  Naive optimism is how our enemies have described our nation’s political philosophy but it is not fair even to our most idealistic founder: “An association of men who will not quarrel with one another is a thing which has never yet existed, from the greatest confederacy of nations down to a town meeting or a vestry.” Thomas Jefferson. There is more than conflict resolution here that is intended. Federalism itself allows some conflicts not to be resolved and states to live under different laws while all still are participating in the great American society with its greater resources and grand purposes.  Far from Term Limits for everyone I believe that in a new constitutional order we should have three US Senators for each State. Let popular elections choose two as has become habitual but let a third one be elected by the state legislatures (as in the original constitution) but let this one officer be subject to certain qualifications tests (not too onerous) and be elected for a longer term. Let former Presidents, retired General Officers and the US and retired  Justices of the US Supreme Court serve on a small per diem and their pensions as Censors. Let them control the Census now taken by the Commerce Department and also create districts and apportion seats for Congress. Let them serve independently and for life. Let them also hold some power over the organs for ethics in the federal government.  Radical as this may seem there is evidence the founders thought we should get to this eventually. This Council of Censors would restore the nondemocratic elements which have wasted away and left us in chaos as we see all power in the hands of popular majorities.  That is very un-American. We have a more complex society now and it should be under a more complex government not a less complex one. 

 Nor was this constitution designed to consider all  starting positions as equal. It was not crafted so that all ideas and  ways of life could start on exactly the same footing.  Few were more in touch with the founding of the country that is the USA than John Adams and he did not hesitate to write about what was to be favored. “Our Constitution was made only for a moral and religious people. It is wholly inadequate to the government of any other.” John Adams.  Nor was Adams merely concerned with any kind of piety. He could not have been more certain in his own mind of the pre-eminence of Judaeo- Christian values and cultural traditions in forming the national fabric. “The Hebrews have done more to civilize men than any other nation. If I were an atheist, and believed blind eternal fate, I should still believe that fate had ordained the Jews to be the most essential instrument for civilizing the nations. ” John Adams. Remember that the racial and ethnic implications are coming out clearly from one of the Declarers select committee. Some lands from the State and the federal government should be surrendered both to compact and a central government with small needs and specialized missions but a larger part (totalling as much as two or more percent of all lands) should be put into a “pot” together with Guam, American Samoa, part of Puerto Rico and the US Virgin Islands as well as all Indian Reservations to create a series of really viable Territories and Possessions which are represented in the House of Representatives and not in the US Senate.   Part of Puerto Rico should be admitted as our final state and part as one of these new Territories, these two jurisdictions will have a compact. The relationship will be repeated in Hawaii and Alaska where close relations between distinct jurisdictions will be the norm. This will new order need to include a substantial Kingdom of Hawaii, Negro Possessions in the Southern States (as well as Creole of Color territories in some places) and two Mestizo territories in old settlements of the Spanish Borderlands Compact. These ethnic groups would have lands and governments to use and elect,  they would have seats in the House and could have simple tribunes with limited vetoes and subpoenas in the Senate. Some funds and contracts would be reserved for their development in the new constitution. Poverty and prison programs would be replaced with innovation in many states. Schools would improve and the State universities would reserve a small percentage of their seats for the best qualified of their neighbors. However, most  jurisdictions would service their own peoples needs and employ their own police and teachers. This would not be for all colored people as under Jim Crow but jurisdictions favoring specific raci0-ethnic groups with districts and rights for their own minorities. Real racial purity laws per se would be forbidden federally everywhere. The family associations would define the reace of there members for most purposes and the acts to deny racial identitry would be limited in effect and require due process.  But America would not pretend to racial indifference any more. In the States there would be  both colored districts where those not  related to nearby districts would elect parties to the state legislature and have some kind of municipal governance but also be less than equal in many rights of the state citizen while protected as US Citizen. Northeast Asian Communities such as Chinese, Korean, Japanese and Sino-Filipino peoples would be  assured equal representation for drawn minority majority districts in all states where they have a traditional population.  In addition they would participate as full state citizens. Likewise Filipinos and Micronesians would be given special federal assistance in settling here because of the ties of their countries to ours.  Family associations would work with these new laws and jurisdictions. But there would be an end to varied forms of racial madness in this country. All future immigrants would have to be admitted by both the United States and a lesser Jurisdiction State or otherwise.  Each jurisdiction should elect one elector for life who will sit with the popular election electors for the President and also have other legislative roles. Such a person would be able to hold multiple offices.

Likewise, America has never been founded on any principle that allowed for weakness as a national ideal.  “If we desire to avoid insult, we must be able to repel it; if we desire to secure peace, one of the most powerful instruments of our rising prosperity, it must be known, that we are at all times ready for War. ” George Washington.  War, I would argue is not merely murder. Modern societies do not always fight wars quite frequently they just murder people. War involves, discipline, declarations, chains of command and a known return address  ( to at least some degree) for the violence. I have often been critical of the US military but it is still the military founded by that tall Virginian quoted above. It is still one of the institutions that works in our society.   The people have a right and a need for militias, hunting clubs and I think in a society like ours they need more differentiated groups along the lines of orders of chivalry where the most privileged speak a more refined language of violence. America is in danger of losing all that it is in this simple regard.  “Firearms are second only to the Constitution in importance; they are the peoples’ liberty’s teeth.” George Washington.  On this and some other issues I will focus my third and last portion of this posting. 

We must also have a society where the federal and state governments are openly concerned with the moral development of these constituent armed groups and their members. No value neutral governance is possible part of our culture of defense and security. “Happiness and moral duty are inseparably connected.” George Washington. My last portion will also relate to this moral aspect of governance.

So, next time expect to see me discuss morals, arms and how to effect real change as well as other issues relevant to this subject not yet addressed. So far you can see that for me revolution is a word I take seriously.

The Mental Ferment for Men (and Women) who Might Foment an American Revolution: Part One

In the United States today well over ten percent and something less than a quarter of likely voters currently identify themselves when asked about party membership as members of the Tea (or TEA, i.e. “Taxed Enough Already”) Party.  These people include some decently high number of folks who are willing to speak about an American Revolution such as the one we had two hundred years ago. There are tours going across the country as the Tea Party Express. There are rallies, conventions and town hall meetings. While many discount the potential of this movement in this country they represent the largest and most potent movement of their kind in a long time. I am doing a four part posting on the potential American Revolution as it might be abd as I would like to see it.

Revolutionary Iconography is part of the TEA Party experience...

There are not two constitutional transitions or transformations which are or ought to be about the same things.  Whatever the greivances and causes may be which are to lead to a real set of basic changes they should both honor the heritage of  the eighteenth century and recognize the differences between the current situation and the situation that confronted the revolutionary generation, the strivers for American Independence and the founding fathers framing the Constitution.  I do not think many of hthink the British Monarchy is on the top of our target list as foes of our development now whereas that is how things ended up in those days.  America will have and does have it troubles with the UK but that is a relationship worth trying to improve at this point. The same analysis would have been entirely defeatist in the first revolution.
The Current Queen of England and Scotland's United Kingdom with Eisenhower

I don't think any two constitutional changes are the same. The British Monarchy is not our target here.

 There are  in addition to these people I think of Americans like my old college buddy Andy who ran for governor of a state other than mine in 2008 as a Libertarian. His principal slogan was “reboot the government”  I believe.  Andy is of course a computer guy — one of the real ones.  Glen Beck is featuring a regular segment in his show called “Refounding America”.  Mr. Beck’s show is really quite popular and successfull. Of course President Obama himself was elected on the slogan of  “Change You Can Believe In!” There is the fact that Massachussettes elected its first Republican Senator in a very long time. It might be the case that America is ready to look at real change as a possibility.  It is always at least  a little scary when a large and powerful country reaches the point where real change is perceived as necessary. That is even more true when the geopolitical order and social order of the times is such as ours is today.   Sometimes it is very scary indeed.

I am also aware of the huge crowds of Hispanics who not so long ago marched in the streets protesting imigration policy and the sense of persecution growing among Mexican Americans as they perceive the policies of the United States.   If one factors in our vast national debt, huge production of waste, decaying infrastructure,  rates of incaceration, porous borders, fiscal crises in so many places and many other woes it seems clear that we are in a place of real crisis and that some sort of revolutionary transformation may well be necessary.  I think that this change will have to come from other places than what is the mainstream of our current social order or else it will only make things much worse.

Above all there cannot simply be a struggle between shrinking government  and more entitlements of all residents to all kinds of government services. America is soul-sick and not on a path that can lead to the places America needs to reach to have a real chance of socio-political survival and the level of progress needed to support the survival of its people over the moderately long term. With a society such as hours there is a bloating and softening of the social fabric before the really big shocks to the state and the national structure take place.

I thin that America has begun to take notice of its social decay in movies like “The Blind Side” and “Precious, Based on the Novel Push by Sapphire” which have attracted an audience and will be discussed at the Academy Awards tomorrow night. It is possible  for America top address many of its problems while still honoring its traditions and not tearing itself apart. But the time to act keeps running out and the chances of choosing the path we need to choose is not a very likely chance.

What will not work is the color blind, impersonal, nondiscriminating, cowardly and crime-loving concept of justice which our courts have imposed on the nation and the States over the last several decades. I believe that relatively radical action very soon can produce a real chance of justice.  This reconstitution of America should create family associations with many privileges asssured by law. Such  associations will take over some of the responsibilities of a federal budget with greater austerity measures than have been seen for a long time. These associations will also support autonomy and wellbeing for women who want to support and build the strong families that make society strong.  There shall also be a transfer of lands into new jurisdictions and a reworking of the system of apportionment and representation. We can stop pretending that Guam and American Samoa and Puerto Rico have representative governance when they don’t. We can stop pretending that millions of ilegal aliens are not both unfairly treated and a grave threat to this society. They need not be our enemies for us to make that admission.  We also need to create compacts between groups of States and other jurisdictions which are similar to the the Tennessee Valley Authority in some ways but are larger and are able to do more to promote regional welfare and interests. Then there some facts about military reservations and the District of Columbia which need to be addressed. We will need to rework the Congress and redraw the map a little bit. That will include a viable and vital constitutional future for existing American Indian nations.   All of this will be made much harder by years and ecades of pushing a destructive and poisoonous obsession with calculator democracy in its simplest form on to a world that has often suffered from it. The military in the US is not perfect but it is one of our greatest assets. We have to find more of a constitutional role for this social institution in our socio-political regime. WE HAVE TO ADDRESS MANY VERY SERIOUS PROBLEMS.

Right now we still have resources to deal with these problems. That will not always be the case. Soon there will be no chance to solve them. Part Two of this posting will deal withhow we have to try to understand our constitutional and revolutionary heritage more clearly and effectively. Part Three of this posting (should I get to it) will discuss how we might make those changes which can at least address all of our major problems and preserve the best of our revolutionary heritage.

Britain’s United Kingdom & America’s United States: The Special Relationship

This is likely to be a very brief and hurriedly thrown together blog posting. I think a good number of very long and serious books could stand to be written about this subject and many good books touch on its themes and questions.  What is the nature of the relationship between the United States and the United Kingdom?  How much does this relationship matter?  What should the relationship be like? I want to discuss that however inadequately in this blog.

1. What are some common geopolitical interests of the UK and the USA?


2. What is the history and nature of our relationship with the UK, here in the USA?


In addition to these two ( and for me pre-eminent) questions to consider Americans must recognize that, with both the Commonwealth and the European Union to concern itself, with the UK cannot place American interest very high on its priority lists.  The United States has long been a soft target for every cultural agent type of statecraft and espionage but no country has benefitted more and more cheaply from America’s arrested cultural and social development than has the United Kingdom.  I believe that America has reasons to develop good relations with the UK.  However, if our country survives our downward spiral and finds a future it will need to be a future in which we are really ourselves growing and developing as we ought to and building on what we do have in common with and stand to gain from the UK.  Then we can also offer them the hand of friendship when that is desirable.

Kim Munley must be recognized as a heroine.

I think it is imperative that Kim Munley must be given the maximum possible honors for her actions in the Fort Hood shootings as long as the basic structure of facts is preserved and shown to be true.  Ms. Munley shot a well-armed shooter who had killed and wounded many and who was still well supplied with ammunition and probably on his way to shoot up a crowded graduation ceremony in a nearby room on the base.    

Ms. Munley took three bullets herself and was badly injured (obviously) but in the gunfight she shot Hassan four times and rendered him incapable of pursuing his rampage. Assuming these facts are accurate in large part Ms. Munley must be singled out for the highest commendations possible from the policing authorities, the State of Texas, the United States government and the professional associations of police. Not to do make an example of her with both bonuses and commendations is tantamount to randomly shooting a  child somewhere. There are few real heros in the world. When a society finds a very clear case failing to recognize them when they emerge is a violation of one of the most basic duties of human community and society. 

As a diminutive mother her courage is a stark contrast to the behavior taught by many units which I believe is felonious treachery — that of waiting for a huge advantage.  She is an epitome of what is good in a culture that is really not so good most of the time. Hurrah for Ms. Munley!